In this study, we examined the association between experiences of precariousness and depressed mood while accounting for, and making explicit, the underlying associations between experiences of precariousness. We found that individuals with and without depressed mood differ markedly in their experiences of precariousness. Depressed mood is related to many different aspects of precariousness. However, differences between those with and without depressed mood in the exposure to precarious neighborhood characteristics are small. Depressed mood is associated with experiences of precariousness in employment (primarily the experience of marginal or unemployment), finances and social life, and in groups with non-Dutch ethnic origin also with health literacy. Further, among those who experience precariousness in many different dimensions of life, the percentage of individuals with depressed mood is substantially higher, specifically when experiences in the social and financial dimension of life are included. Overall, depressed mood is, thus, highly intertwined with precariousness. In addition, patterns in the associations between experiences of precariousness and depressed mood were relatively similar for those of Dutch and non-Dutch ethnic origin, highlighting precariousness as a potential shared mechanism for depressed mood in these population groups.

Precariousness arose as a concept in the French scientific literature in the late 1970s to describe families living in conditions that made them vulnerable to incidents or events [36]. As such, it described families, or individuals, that were ‘living on the edge’ [1]. Insecurity, instability, and hardship were described in working conditions, pay, finances, housing, health, and social relations. Importantly, although employment was rather central to this concept, it was only one aspect of it [36]. Precariousness was suggested to increase an individual’s chances, whether real or perceived, of experiencing adversity [1, 37]. Precariousness can, thus, be regarded as a multidimensional social position where people are at a greater risk of experiencing adverse situations [38], in line with the operationalization in the current study. Over the last couple of decades, precariousness has primarily been examined in relation to employment and housing, with limited inclusion of other dimensions of life [1, 39]. However, experiences of precariousness can be manifold, will often arise in multiple dimensions of life, and collectively give rise to a state of living in insecurity and instability. It is important to emphasize that experiencing precariousness according to one indicator in the current study should thus not be regarded as experiencing a state of precariousness. An individual precarious experience is also not necessarily detrimental, which is also shown by the fact that among individuals who experienced precariousness in just one dimension – or even on just one indicator – the proportion with depressed mood was relatively low.

Financial precariousness (i.e., income inadequacy and financial difficulties), employment precariousness (i.e., marginal or unemployment), and social precariousness (i.e., low frequency of social support, low satisfaction with social support, and lost friendship or break up) were most intricately related to depressed mood. These associations were present while accounting for all other experiences, meaning that other precariousness experiences did not explain these associations. Previous studies found that precarious employment and precarious housing adversely affected self-reported health and mental health [3, 40]. Studies on precarious employment and health suggested explanatory mechanisms such as poor working conditions, feelings of injustice and powerlessness, and social and material deprivation [4, 7, 41]. A study on how financial precariousness was related to wellbeing among international students in Australia suggested that financial precarity could be related to the need to work and housing affordability, and to physical and psychological well-being through shortage of time, worries, food insecurity, and having difficulties making friends [6]. The authors also highlighted how these experiences can create vicious circles, as wellbeing may not only be caused by, but also may cause financial precariousness. Although our study population is different, we expect similar mechanisms and vicious circles to be at work in this population, and our results suggest that there is a crucial role for financial precariousness.

The network analysis offers valuable insights into potential pathways linking experiences of precariousness and depressed mood. For instance, a lack of social support could lead to depressed mood, unemployment, and financial struggles, but conversely, unemployment and financial difficulties could contribute to depressed mood and a subsequent decline in social support. Additionally, it is possible that a depressed mood could drive both unemployment and financial hardships, as well as a reduction in social support. Given that depressed mood is known to influence social life, it is likely that these factors form a vicious circle, where depressed mood both contributes to and is exacerbated by unemployment and financial struggles, while also leading to a lack of social support. Furthermore, negative mood states may contribute to cognitive biases, which can lead individuals to perceive social and financial difficulties as more severe or insurmountable than they objectively are [42, 43]. This negative cognitive appraisal can reinforce maladaptive coping mechanisms, reduce problem-solving capacity, and diminish motivation to seek support, thereby perpetuating the cycle of precariousness and depression [43, 44]. Such self-reinforcing feedback loops, in which psychological distress exacerbates the perception of adversity, underscore the importance of addressing both adverse conditions and internal cognitive-emotional processes in interventions aimed at breaking this cycle [45].

While the main limitation of this study is its cross-sectional nature, the main strength is the incorporation of many indicators of precariousness in different dimensions of life which allowed us to shed light on the links between all these precariousness experiences and depressed mood in a network analysis. These models are undirected and do not imply causality, but they can highlight potential paths and clusters of interconnected experiences that may warrant further investigation. They are a useful departure point for examining complex concepts as they enable the identification of potential leverage points for intervention that require further investigation [46, 47], though we emphasize caution in interpreting centrality metrics in order to identify these leverage points, in line with recent methodological critiques [48]. It should be kept in mind, though, that omitted variables could influence identified associations [49]. The included indicators are secondary data that fitted the concept of precariousness. For the housing dimension, we were only able to include neighborhood-level indicators of precariousness, rather than individual-level indicators, and we had limited information on precariousness in the cultural dimension. Though we were able to include a wide array of dimensions and indicators, these are not fixed or exhaustive. As the relevant indicators to include will depend on the population of the study and the day, age and context in which the study is performed, creating a comprehensive list of the indicators to include is, in our view, not realistic. Another strength of this study is the inclusion of groups with various ethnic origins and the examination of the associations between precariousness experiences and depressed mood in these different groups.

The fact that hardly any associations were identified between objectively measured neighborhood characteristics and depressed mood is interesting, as it seems to indicate that these characteristics are not very important for the experience of depressed mood. This contrasts with the expectation that, for example, an unsafe neighborhood has impact on mental health [50]. However, these findings should not be overinterpreted. Weaker associations between indicators measured at the neighborhood rather than the individual level when assessing the association with depressed mood are actually to be expected. Further, the experiences of precariousness measured at the individual level are measured using the same questionnaire, which could inflate differences between the experiences at the individual level and experiences at the neighborhood level due to common method bias. A final limitation is that generalizability of the findings of this study may be limited as precariousness is highly context-dependent, where context refers to the cultural, political, economic, and social background in which precariousness arises, which will be influenced by geographical location (e.g., country, region, degree of urbanicity) as well as by time [4, 51]. Nonetheless, we expect the findings to translate to other countries with similar social security systems and social contexts.

Currently, the cost of living in European countries is rising rapidly, putting more people at risk for financial difficulties, uncertain living conditions, and health issues [52]. Consequently, there is a risk of a rise in the number of individuals living in precarious circumstances and consequent health inequalities. Experiences of precariousness arise in and from a certain political and structural context. Adequate social security is suggested to protect against experiences of precariousness [1, 36] and changes in social security have substantial implications for the insecurity and instability experienced in the different, but related, dimensions of life and for mental health [5, 9, 53]. For example, one study found that in a period where benefit levels decreased and eligibility criteria became more strict, mental distress in women increased most among those outside the labor market, which could indicate that their financial difficulties and stress went up [54]. Another study found that reductions in housing benefits led to an increase in depressive symptoms for individuals with a low income renting in the private sector [11]. Austerity has also been shown to have a deteriorating effect on health, mostly for those whose lives are already insecure, such as those precariously employed, in precarious housing, or with pre-existing health problems [55]. The current study suggests that a very diverse array of precariousness experiences in many different dimensions of life are related to depressed mood. In line with previous studies, it therefore suggests that reducing health inequalities requires a concerted effort directed at social, environmental, and economic factors [56]. It further underscores that research into possible targets of interventions and policies must happen in an integrated fashion [52]. Finally, it emphasizes the need to focus on prevention of cascading effects of insecurity and instability from one dimension of life to another. Based on the results of earlier studies, it is possible that social security has a role to play in reducing these cascading effects.