This research delved into the utilization of ICT to enhance the daily activities of older individuals and their caregivers in the state of Qatar. Additionally, it sought to identify the obstacles, concerns, and facilitating factors that influence ICT adoption and utilization among this demographic. Several factors were identified as influential in shaping the access and use of technology among older individuals within Qatari and Arab families.

In the Arab world, the family stands as a cornerstone of the social fabric, serving as the primary source of support and care for older individuals. This support encompasses not only assisting them in daily activities but also providing emotional and financial aid(Abyad, 2001). The dynamics of the family structure in this region have undergone profound transformations in recent decades. Yet expected support remains as pivotal value in family traditions and dynamic across the Arab world (Joseph, 2018). In Qatar, the shift from extended to nuclear family units coincided with the nation’s development in the mid-70s(Al-Ghanim, 2012; Kassem and Al-Muftah 2016).Despite this shift, scholarly voices contend that tribal and familial bonds continue to wield considerable influence.

Although the study reports a cross-sectional “snapshot” of ICT practices, participants’ narratives made clear that these practices are the outcome of longer trajectories rather than isolated, time-less preferences. Older adults and caregivers often contrasted past and present—for instance, moving from minimal or stressful encounters with workplace computers to a later, more selective use of smartphones for WhatsApp, Qur’an apps, or e-government services; or describing cycles of trying to learn new applications, feeling frustrated, and eventually delegating digital tasks to children or grandchildren. In this sense, the attitudes and patterns of (non-)use we describe are sedimented over time through trial and error, external encouragement or pressure, and changing health and caregiving responsibilities. However, because these temporal dynamics are captured only through brief retrospective accounts, more in-depth longitudinal or biographical work is needed to examine how identities, habits, and family roles around ICT evolve across key life-course transitions in Qatar and the wider Arab region.

The coexistence of extended family structures in proximity is still very common particularly among Qatari families, and directly impacts on the care of older individuals, family dynamics, and caregiving practices. The family assumes a paramount role in elder care, serving as the primary source of support (Hussein & Ismail, 2017). While extended families and the veneration of filial responsibility remain prevalent in Qatar, a recent study by Doha International Family Institute (Abdelmoneium et al. 2019)revealed that family caregivers of older individuals encounter notable stress levels. This stress can adversely affect both the well-being of older adults and the overall quality of life within these families. A further study conducted in the Qatari context focused on older adults challenged with cognitive decline, reinforcing the significance of extended family structures and intergenerational relationships within them in the long-term care, emotional and social support of older adults(Hammad et al., 2022). Attention to this vital resource in Qatari society and their of caregiving needs is important in relation to ICT development, content, and dissemination. Encouraging cross-generational exchange within extended families could capitalize on more younger family members’ agility in technology usage in supporting older adults to overcome personal challenges and other barriers to ICT use identified in this study. Further the predominant expectation of women, a daughter, wife, or sister, to provide assistance and care, challenged by increasing entry in the workforce, suggests that the care landscape for older adults will require new modes of support(Kassem and Al-Muftah 2016). User-friendly and relevant ICT could fill this gap quite effectively. While our study did not explicitly explore technology fatigue or caregiver burnout, it clearly highlights the stress caregivers experience in managing multiple demands, potentially affecting their ability to consistently support older adults’ ICT usage. Future research could further explore how these stressors specifically impact caregiver efficacy and ICT adoption dynamics within Qatari and Arab family contexts.

The interviews vividly revealed the pivotal role the family assumes in ICT access and utilization. Beyond caregivers, family members possess the potential to shape technology engagement positively or negatively. The shared narratives emphasize this vital interplay, underscoring the family’s role in fostering both access and adoption. This facet, in turn, bolsters the well-being and autonomy of older individuals in this locale. In addition to these positive forms of support, our findings reveal that caregivers occupy a far more complex socio-technical role than simply facilitating ICT use. Caregivers frequently acted as gatekeepers, determining when, how, and whether older adults engaged with certain technologies. This is often guided by assumptions about safety, competence, or necessity. Many caregivers also served as translators or brokers, interpreting or completing digital tasks on behalf of older adults, particularly in relation to governmental applications or troubleshooting. While intended as helpful, these practices sometimes reinforced dependency and limited opportunities for older adults to gain confidence or develop digital skills. Caregivers could also become unintentional barriers when their own age-related stereotypes shaped expectations of what older adults could learn or handle, ultimately influencing exposure and motivation. These dynamics show that caregiving in the Qatari context is not a neutral or uniformly enabling force, but rather a position that can simultaneously support, constrain, and actively shape older adults’ digital engagement.

While caregivers emerge as essential facilitators, it is important to note that relational dynamics within Qatari and Arab families can also shape autonomy in more complex ways. In some interviews, caregivers appeared to act as digital gatekeepers, deciding which applications were appropriate, performing tasks on behalf of older adults, or monitoring them through smart-home systems. Although these dynamics surfaced at the descriptive level, the present study, as the first exploratory investigation of ICT use among older adults and caregivers in Qatar, was not designed to systematically analyze the caregiver role and family power dynamic in relation to ICT access. We therefore acknowledge that caregiving is embedded within cultural hierarchies and protective norms that may influence digital autonomy, and we identify this as a critical direction for future research in Arab and GCC contexts Our findings on caregiver mediation are consistent with broader conceptualizations of care as relational and interdependent rather than as a purely individual capacity (Mackenzie and Stoljar 2000; Kittay, 2019). Within Qatari and wider Arab families, older adults’ ICT use is co-produced through ongoing exchanges with children and grandchildren, who often act as technology brokers, through selecting devices and apps, troubleshooting problems, and translating digital demands from institutions into forms that fit elders’ routines and preferences (Hunsaker and Hargittai 2018a, b). This brokerage work is a form of informal caregiving labour that is layered onto existing emotional and practical care responsibilities and, in our sample, was overwhelmingly performed by women, echoing wider evidence that caregiving work remains strongly feminised(Schulz et al., 2015; Pacheco Barzallo et al. 2024). Reading our data through these frameworks helps to clarify that “family support” is not a neutral backdrop but an active socio-technical arrangement: caregivers can expand older adults’ digital participation, but they can also, intentionally or not, set limits on what technologies are used, when, and by whom (Charness & Boot, 2009; Francis et al., 2019). This interdependent, labour-intensive form of mediation has implications both for how digital inclusion is conceptualised in policy and for how technologies are designed—suggesting a need to support the caregiver–older adult dyad, rather than assuming a solitary “end user”(Madara Marasinghe, 2016; O. E.-K. Lee & Kim, 2019).

From the results it can be deduced that family support becomes a compass, steering outcomes towards positive or negative trajectories. Consequently, the development of technologies catering not solely to individuals but also to the family unit assumes great importance. Prioritizing designs that embrace both user and family needs emerges as a critical mandate. A wealth of research delves into technology’s interplay with families (e.g. (Hiniker et al., 2016; Ferdous et al., 2017))predominantly spotlighting nuclear family dynamics in Western contexts. This exploration often focuses on parental constraints concerning their children’s technology engagement. However, the landscape extends beyond, weaving a richer understanding of dynamics between the different family members.

Although family support emerged as crucial in facilitating older adults’ ICT use in Qatar, it is essential to recognize and explicitly highlight the complementary role played by external support systems, such as government-led initiatives and community-based programs. The findings of this study revealed that several participants benefited significantly from services offered by institutional entities, notably the Ehsan Centre, which provides tailored skills-development workshops and training programs designed to enhance older adults’ technological proficiency and independence (Blinded for Review). Participants expressed high satisfaction with these community initiatives, appreciating the personalized ICT training sessions and ongoing educational support. International literature supports these findings, demonstrating that structured community and government interventions play an essential role in enhancing digital literacy among older populations (Charness & Boot, 2009; O. E.-K. Lee & Kim, 2019). Importantly, external systems provide essential support to older adults, particularly in scenarios where family members are unavailable, have limited technological proficiency, or are increasingly occupied due to work commitments, thus allowing institutional programs to complement and, in certain cases, surpass familial support by promoting greater self-reliance and confidence in ICT use (Francis et al., 2019). Additionally, assistive technologies mentioned by participants, including powered wheelchairs, fall detectors, GPS locators, hearing aids, and smart home systems, further underscore the significant role of technological solutions in enabling independence and reducing reliance solely on family members(Organization, 2017). Therefore, future interventions should consciously integrate family support with community-based resources and assistive technologies, fostering a more holistic and sustainable approach to enhancing older adults’ technological engagement and overall quality of life (Peek et al., 2015; Cotten et al., 2016). While this study centered on the lived experiences of older adults and caregivers, the findings should be interpreted within Qatar’s broader national digital-inclusion efforts described earlier in the manuscript; a full policy analysis lies beyond the scope of this exploratory design and represents an important direction for future research.

Moreover, while gender clearly structures caregiving roles and educational opportunities in Qatar and the wider region, our study was designed as an exploratory qualitative investigation rather than a systematic gender analysis. The sample of older adults was relatively balanced by gender, but caregivers were overwhelmingly women, and our design prioritised breadth of themes over in-depth subgroup comparison. The gendered observations we report—such as the concentration of illiteracy among older women, the feminisation of ‘digital labour’ within families, and women’s use of ICT for religious engagement—should therefore be interpreted as descriptive, context-rich signals of how gender may intersect with ICT, rather than as definitive evidence of gender differences. Future research in Gulf societies should be explicitly powered and designed to examine how gendered norms, including segregation and expectations around modesty and privacy, shape older adults’ digital access and everyday technology practices.

Adapting technology to the unique needs of older individuals is vital, necessitating a shift in societal attitudes towards aging and their engagement with technology(Butler, 1969). Ageism, which comprises stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination rooted in age, remains a pervasive concern and is distinct from other forms of bias in that, ultimately, it affects all individuals as they age. Butler (1969) and later scholars note that ageism is often subtle yet deeply entrenched, embedded in cultural norms and reinforced across the life course, resulting in forms of internalized oppression (Ayalon, 2014).

Self-ageism, defined as the internalization of negative age-related stereotypes(Wyman et al., 2018), arises when these societal messages become personally directed, shaping how older individuals view their own abilities and potential. When internalized, these narratives can lead older adults to underestimate their capacity to learn or use ICT, perceiving technology as “not for people like me” or believing they are “too old to learn” (Global report on ageism 2021). In our study, such sentiments affected not only older adults’ self-perception but also caregivers’ assumptions about what older adults could or should be encouraged to do. These beliefs often manifested in well-intentioned but limiting forms of assistance, reinforcing dependency and narrowing opportunities for skill development.

This dynamic is further complicated by the social environments in which older adults use technology. It is important to recognize that expressions of digital doubt, such as hesitation, discomfort, or self-limiting statements, reflect more than personal insecurity. They are shaped by broader cultural narratives in which aging is associated with decline, dependence, or technological inadequacy(Costa et al., 2019; Mannheim et al., 2023). In Qatari and Arab family contexts, where generational hierarchies and strong protection norms are salient, these narratives may be reinforced, whether through family members stepping in to “do things for” the older adult or through assumptions that certain technologies are too complex or inappropriate for older users. Acknowledging this socially embedded dimension helps situate participants’ reluctance within wider cultural meaning systems rather than interpreting it as a purely individual deficit (Barrie et al., 2021).

Recent studies have further highlighted how self-ageism shapes technology design and use(Köttl et al., 2022), with implications that extend beyond individual attitudes. Research on digital ageism shows that stereotypes about aging influence not only older adults themselves but also designers, service providers, and younger users(Righi et al., 2017; Mannheim et al., 2021, 2023). These perceptions can affect how technologies are designed, the assumptions embedded in user interfaces, and the types of support older adults receive in everyday digital interactions. As such, combating ageism requires attention at multiple levels, ranging from personal beliefs and family interactions to broader design practices and service norms, and it should be central to inclusive ICT development.

Taken together, these patterns suggest that digital confidence in later life is not simply an individual psychological resource, but something that is shaped and constrained by age-normative expectations. When participants expressed that they are too old to learn, these were not just private doubts but reflections of wider cultural scripts that position advanced technologies as mismatched with older age. Caregivers’ tendencies to “do things for” older adults—in order to save time, avoid errors, or protect them from perceived risks—can unintentionally reinforce the message that older adults are not expected to experiment, be slow, or make mistakes with ICT. This helps explain why several older adults in our study expressed low confidence even when they had access to devices, regular family support, and some everyday proficiency: confidence was undermined not only by skills gaps, but by the sense that confident ICT use no longer “fits” with who they are allowed to be at this stage of life.

Across these accounts, what is often labelled “digital confidence” among older adults did not appear as a purely individual trait, but as something produced within age-normative and relational contexts. Participants’ statements about being “too old” to learn, having “missed the train,” or feeling that technology was “not for people like me” echo patterns described in work on self-ageism and digital ageism, where internalised cultural narratives about ageing shape older adults’ sense of technological competence (Organization, 2017; Wyman et al., 2018; Costa et al., 2019; Mannheim et al., 2021). At the same time, older adults’ confidence was closely tied to the availability and attitudes of family members, consistent with research showing that intergenerational relationships and caregiving practices strongly mediate older adults’ technology experiences in Arab and Muslim contexts(Kassem and Al-Muftah 2016; Nassir and Tuck 2017; Joseph, 2018; Ibtasam et al., 2019; Hammad et al., 2022). In our data, older adults appeared more willing to experiment when children and grandchildren were patient and encouraging, whereas impatience, over-protection, or repeatedly “doing things for” the older person reinforced dependency—paralleling findings on how support environments, training practices, and social stereotypes shape digital literacy trajectories (Peek et al. 2015; Hunsaker and Hargittai 2018a, b; Barrie et al. 2021). Taken together, these patterns suggest that digital confidence in the Qatari and wider Arab context is best understood as a relational, culturally situated capacity rather than as a fixed, purely psychological characteristic of individual older adults.

A further implication of our findings concerns the need to distinguish between exclusionary non-use and agentic non-use of ICT. Much of the global literature on the “digital divide” implicitly frames non-use as a deficit to be remedied, and we initially adopted a similar language of “barriers” and “enablers.” However, several older adults in our study explicitly rejected or downplayed the relevance of new technologies, emphasizing satisfaction with existing routines, concerns about privacy or over-surveillance, or a desire not to be constantly connected. For these participants, and for some caregivers, reduced or selective ICT engagement appeared as a deliberate and sometimes valued stance rather than as a mere lack of opportunity or skill. Viewing all non-use as problematic risks reproducing a subtle form of digital coercion, where “inclusion” is equated with compliance with policy-driven expectations of digital participation. Our data instead suggest that, in the Qatari and Arab context, digital inclusion should be conceptualized as the ability of older adults to exercise informed, culturally grounded choice about when and how they engage with ICT, including the right to disengage.

Accessibility and usability are fundamental aspects of modern-day technologies. With accessibility now being legitimized and usability being a key factor from a marketing perspective, one would assume the high technology we have is suitable for everyone. Despite the ongoing efforts and established guidelines aimed at promoting accessibility, the issue persists on various fronts. While these guidelines (such as WCAG 2.1) serve as a crucial foundation, the broader digital environment often falls short of providing truly accessible experiences. Factors such as rapidly evolving technology, varying interpretations of accessibility standards, and the lack of mandatory compliance contribute to this challenge. Furthermore, the issue isn’t limited to technical aspects alone; there’s a need for raising awareness and fostering a culture of inclusivity in design and development. Even with significant strides made in recent years, many users, particularly those with disabilities or specific needs, still encounter frustrating barriers when trying to access digital content or interact with technology (Lunn and Harper 2010). Recognizing the gaps that remain and addressing them comprehensively is essential to create a digital landscape that genuinely values and supports accessibility for everyone.

In this study, many participants reported facing challenges operating technology due to various physical challenges. Age-related challenges are common among older participants, affecting their ICT use. Vision decline, including reduced contrast sensitivity, color perception, and near-focus difficulties, makes display and navigation usage challenging. Physical limitations, like reduced dexterity and fine motor control, make it hard to interact with small elements on the screen. Hearing impairments require older individuals to use speakers, which indirectly impacts their privacy. Cognitive issues such as reduced short-term memory, difficulty concentrating, and easy distractibility further hinder task completion on devices. These challenges align with the specific needs of older individuals accessing ICT. The traditional definition of usability, which centers around ensuring safe, effective, and efficient task performance combined with an enjoyable experience, can be adapted to better cater to older users. This adaptation entails accessible content formats being offered based on specific functional needs (such as text size, color contrast, animations, and external links). Additionally, adaptive user interfaces can be created, which are adjusted based on the experiences of older users. This includes modifications to the size of interface elements, text field formatting, color coding, interactive alert mechanisms, display location indicators, language preferences, and the enforcement of a high level of error tolerance.

Education stands as a potent catalyst, propelling the seamless integration and continuous advancement of technology within any given society. Its significance lies in providing individuals with the skills and knowledge necessary to use contemporary technology effectively. This synergy between education and technology is evident not just in theoretical terms but also in real-life experiences shared by interview participants. Both caregivers and older individuals frequently emphasize the pivotal role of education, linking higher education, particularly university-level learning, to a superior utilization of technology. Additionally, the vital importance of literacy surfaces prominently within the data. Among the older adult women who took part in this study, several highlighted a significant impediment to their technology adoption as their struggle with reading and writing.

Low levels of literacy hinder older adults from utilizing daily technologies and can have several consequences in broadening the digital divide(Nishijima et al., 2017). While the education system is currently very well established in the state of Qatar for both males and females, it was not until the early 60 s that modern schools included girls. In fact, at the time, very few families were keen to let their daughters attend school regularly despite being encouraged by the leaders at that time(Al-Misnad, 1984). Some of these females continued their education later in life, yet some never had the chance. The consequences of this historical period were reflected in our sample, where all participants with no formal schooling were women. Although the present study is exploratory in design and not intended to provide a systematic gender comparison, this gendered pattern in educational access offers important contextual insight: older women in our sample more frequently described challenges with reading on-screen text, navigating written interfaces, and sometimes relied on voice messages or family assistance when using ICT. We therefore interpret these gendered differences as descriptive, context-rich indications of how historical inequalities in education intersect with ICT use in later life, rather than as definitive evidence of gender differences at the population level. This reinforces the need for future research in the Gulf region to examine explicitly how gendered life-course trajectories continue to shape older adults’ digital inclusion.

The topic of training older individuals and their caregivers in using ICT was a prevalent theme in the interview. Dedicated accessibility and assistive technology training have been actively offered to the older individuals (Blinded for review). Although these training sessions previously took place through face-to-face workshops, they have since transitioned to online formats, which have experienced impressive participation rates. Training in ICT is essential to bridging the digital divide faced by older adults. As technology continues to advance, it increasingly integrates into daily life, influencing communication, access to services, and the ability to remain informed. This transition can pose significant challenges for older adults, particularly those who did not grow up in a digital environment, creating notable gaps in their capacity to effectively utilize digital tools.

Building on these findings, our data suggest that training for older adults in Qatar needs to be practical, device-specific, and context-anchored rather than generic. Participants predominantly described using smartphones, messaging applications, and government e-services; training should therefore prioritise small-group or one-to-one sessions that focus on: (1) basic smartphone skills (calling, messaging, managing contacts, installing and updating applications); (2) safe and confident use of widely used platforms such as WhatsApp and Qur’an or religious applications; and (3) step-by-step support for navigating key government, banking, and health e-services that are increasingly mandatory in daily life. Given the central role of family support in our data, these sessions would be most effective if older adults and caregivers can attend together, allowing caregivers to practise age-supportive strategies (such as scaffolding rather than doing tasks fully on behalf of the older person) and to reduce over-reliance.

At a system level, our findings also point to a need for two additional layers of training. First, frontline professionals in centres such as Ehsan and other community, health, and social-care services would benefit from targeted training on ageism, self-ageism, and family-mediated ICT use, equipping them to recognise how well-intentioned protection or “doing things for” older adults can limit confidence and learning opportunities. Second, designers and technical staff in government and semi-government institutions responsible for e-services and digital platforms require ongoing training in accessible, age-inclusive, and family-aware design (for example, simplified interfaces, clear language, and workflows that recognise that tasks are often completed jointly by an older adult and a family member).

It was noticed that assistive technologies were infrequently mentioned by participants, a finding that likely reflects a lack of awareness rather than limited usefulness or availability. Although participants described this primarily as “not knowing” about available devices, the lack of awareness reflects deeper cultural and generational meanings rather than a simple information gap. Many older adults framed technology almost exclusively as smartphones or everyday communication tools, while assistive technologies were perceived as medicalized, specialized, or relevant only when one becomes fully dependent. For some caregivers, introducing AT was associated with implying decline or frailty, which may conflict with cultural values around dignity, independence, and preserving elders’ status within the family. These underlying narratives help explain why AT remains under-recognized despite its availability, and why awareness is shaped as much by cultural interpretations of aging and need as by access to information.

Enhancing specialized educational and training initiatives that focus explicitly on assistive technologies is therefore essential, not only to provide information, but also to reshape the underlying perceptions that currently limit awareness and uptake. Training programs need to make AT visible, demystify its purpose, and position these tools as supports for autonomy rather than symbols of decline. By contextualizing AT as compatible with cultural values of dignity, safety, and family caregiving, such initiatives can help older adults and caregivers recognize the practical benefits of devices such as smart home systems, fall detectors, GPS locators, hearing aids, and powered wheelchairs. Targeted education can meaningfully improve daily living experiences, enhance safety and independence, and support fuller participation in a digitally connected society. Beyond building technical skills, these programs can also mitigate social isolation and strengthen digital inclusion by empowering older adults to use technology with confidence. Overall, the findings highlight that education, training, and culturally attuned awareness-building strategies are central to fostering sustained, equitable engagement with digital and assistive technologies.

Digital literacy, which refers to the skills acquired to fully benefit from the digital world(Pangrazio et al., 2020) has been highlighted as one of the key factors in fully benefiting from modern-day technology. People over the age of 65 have been found to have low levels of digital literacy and to be disproportionately impacted by inequalities in the availability of digital technologies(Arthanat et al., 2019). Evidence from other studies suggests that ageism significantly impacts older adults’ opportunities for learning and growth in the digital realm (Barrie et al., 2021).This effect self-efficacy and depicts older adults as resistant to technology(Costa et al., 2019). The finding of our study confirms these preconceived notions and negative outcomes of ageism, which can also be amplified with a low level of literacy.

Many older people may not have grown up with digital technology, resulting in a generational digital divide. However, as technology becomes more incorporated into daily life, digital literacy becomes increasingly important for older adults to stay connected, informed, and self-sufficient. Teaching the older adults how to use computers, smartphones, tablets, and other digital devices is one way to improve their digital literacy. It also provides instructions on how to use the internet safely, send email, access online services, and use social media to stay in touch with family and friends. Older adults with digital literacy can access healthcare information, online banking, and other tools, thereby improving their quality of life.

Caregivers, in this case family members, play an important part in the older adults’ well-being. Caregivers must be digitally literate to use digital technologies for better caregiving. Caregivers can use internet resources for healthcare information, connect with support groups, and better organize visits and drug schedules. Furthermore, digital literacy enables caregivers to provide emotional support to the older adults via various communication channels, which is especially important in circumstances where physical presence is limited.

Education and training acti