This study has illuminated current norms and experiences of ageism among older adults in urban India. Participants reported experiences of ageism within institutions such as healthcare, infrastructure and transport, financial and policy sectors. Lack of consideration of social needs of older people and negative portrayal in media were social facets of ageism. Ageism was also embedded within intergenerational interactions, such as the overprotective nature of children and perceived frustration among the younger generation while interacting with older people. The study highlighted the changing roles and identities of older people in a world that is constantly changing and prompted profound deliberations on the value of older people in the modern world. Additionally, the study explored the norms and social rules that older people are expected to abide. Participants reported an expectation that older or widowed parents would live with children. They noted expectations that older people should dress and behave in a sensible and restricted way and take up appropriate activities such as spirituality. An expectation to be sacrificing and help children was also perceived by the participants. A key finding of the study was that older people challenge and reject these stereotypes and norms, reiterating the view that they are not a homogenous group. They have diverse interests and take up varied activities.

Experiences of ageism and age norms maybe influenced by aspects such as independence (financial/physical/mental/cognitive), sociodemographic factors (gender, marital status, socio-economic level, education), cultural and historical aspects, immediate family’s outlook and individual personalities and experiences. Ageism and age norms can potentially impact mental and physical health and range from feeling left behind, feeling small and unknowledgeable, loss of confidence, feeling overwhelmed with technology and withdrawing or retreating from conversations with younger people. It was hypothesised that institutional ageism can lead to higher healthcare costs due to lack of affordable insurance policies for older populations, and lack of age-friendly infrastructure could erode independence.

This study compliments and supports the findings from other research studies and reports. Browne et al. (2000) explored ageism among older people in Australia, and similar to the current study, reported that the initial response when asked about experiencing ageism was that they had not encountered any ageist attitudes or stereotyping. They theorised that this could be because ageist experiences were often not “overt or brutal”. In addition to this reasoning, we also felt that in India there is an acceptance and rationalisation of the current situation, for example, accepting that India has several problems and one cannot expect to see change at policy and institutional levels. There was also an acceptance that in a populous country like India, priority needs to be given to younger generation in healthcare and employment sectors.

In line with the WHO ageism report (World Health Organization, 2021) institutional ageism in our study emanated from healthcare, education, infrastructure, finance and policy sectors. Browne et al. (2000) found that older people in Australia experienced ageism in their interactions with healthcare professionals. Similar to the current study, Browne et al. (2000) reported that older adults were not consulted about major decisions or given explanations as to why tests were conducted, and were expected to tolerate discomfort and pain. Ageism in the employment sector was also reported by a study that surveyed Dutch employers (Oude Mulders, 2020). The study reported that most employers had a preference for younger people while hiring a new employee; this is reflected in the current study where older people reported difficulties in finding a job and getting promotions as they aged. Financial ageism such as discriminatory credit and loan schemes was noted in the WHO ageism report (World Health Organization, 2021), with women particularly facing discrimination from financial institutions. This study echoes some of these aspects including difficulties faced by older people in procuring loans (e.g., for a business venture) and acquiring affordable insurance plans. As age can be used as a risk factor in pricing financial products (World Health Organization, 2021), higher health insurance premiums for older people is a global form of age discrimination that needs consideration. We found anecdotal evidence that women in India, specially from traditional or conservative households, are adversely affected in aspects such as inheritance, where patriarchal customs result in women being left out of their spouse’s will. Negative portrayal of older people in the media was noted in the WHO ageism report (World Health Organization, 2021), and our study corroborates this, with Indian media portraying older people as either unable to fend for themselves, or being imposing.

Chonody and Teater (2018) noted that ageist attitudes could support paternalism where the freedom and autonomy of a population is restricted with the rationalisation that it is for their own good. This could perpetuate negative beliefs such as older people being dependent, weak and incompetent. This was observed in the current study in the form of overprotection from children. While this comes from a place of concern, it could have negative consequences and feed into stereotypes of older people being unable to take care of themselves. Moreover, expectations that older people in India should act their age and wear appropriate clothing was hypothesised by Khangembam (2019) and corroborated by our findings. Norms around the activities that older people should take up (for example, physical activity not seen as appropriate), and negative attitudes to sex could have severe mental and physical consequences. The compounding of discrimination due to intersectionality was discussed in the WHO ageism report (World Health Organization, 2021). The current study also observed the interaction between ableism, sexism and socio-economic status: women are subjected to ageism stemming from patriarchal structures, and those from lower socio-economic classes and/or with physical and cognitive impediments potentially experience greater discrimination.

This study opens a critical discussion on the changing role and identity of older people in today’s world, prompting us to dissect how they are valued by society and themselves. From a historical perspective, older people were seen as knowledge keepers, and attitudes towards this population shifted with the invention of the printing press, which allowed information to be stored and reproduced (Nelson, 2011). We see this continuing today with the advent of the internet and technological advances eliminating the need for older people’s counsel. In a populous country like India, with intense competition for resources and opportunities, there appears to be an internalised and societal belief that older people have had their turn and should now forgo and make way for the younger generation. This sentiment applied to the employment sector and was apparent in the healthcare sector during the Covid-19 pandemic. Ageism and internalisation of these attitudes could lead to a myriad of consequences such as withdrawing or separation from other groups, increased social isolation and loneliness, lower self-esteem and poorer mental and physical health (Chonody & Teater, 2018; World Health Organization, 2021), all of which were perceived by participants in the current study.

Perceived positive experiences included institutional support for older people such as priority in queues and reserved areas in public spaces. Other governmental financial support for older people below the poverty line was viewed positively. This investment into creating an age-friendly society is a positive step to promoting positive ageing. While these aspects have been linked to positive effects, it is important to exercise caution in interpreting positive ageism. The WHO report on ageism notes that positive ageism, particularly stereotypes could potentially be harmful, leading to homogenising and pressure to conform (World Health Organization, 2021).

These instances of ageism and age norms found in our study corroborate previous findings and, in this sense, some of the findings can be seen as universal experiences. However, this study observes some aspects that may be unique to India, particularly around family dynamics and expectations. For instance, the expectation that older adults should be helpful in looking after the home, tending to tasks in India (if children are abroad), or taking care of grandchildren lead to both positive and negative emotions among the older population. Another aspect is the persisting expectation for older adults to live with their children and the stigma around retirement communities, although the norms around this are changing. Positive ageism that may be specific to India include older people being revered in society, and community values around supporting and taking care of the elderly, which was seen as integral to Indian culture. Further research on ageism and age norms in countries across the globe is required to facilitate analysis of unique manifestations of ageism, and how these can be addressed.